Fighting
Terrorism in Iraq
is a One Way Ticket
Prof.
Dr. Tahir Albakaa
Boston - USA
The land
of Iraq has become the
battlefield for a global conflict whose results will also be international. It resembles,
to a large degree, World Wars I and II. Defeat will, indeed, signify
international confinement. More accurately, this is a one way ticket war.
Though the US
overthrew both the Taliban and Saddam’s regimes as part of what it considered
the axis of evil, it has not yet been able to overcome terrorism in either
country. This is the problem.
In politics, actions and decisions are judged by consequences, not
intentions. While good policies do not guarantee success, bad policies
definitely guarantee failure. Regardless of what one believes about the war in
Iraq, the overthrow of its regime, the reasons for the war and the motives
behind it, it [the war] happened with an ease that nobody expected and with
losses barely worth mentioning. This is why in April 2003 President Bush
delivered his speech from the American vessel [ship that carries warplanes]
Abraham Lincoln, announcing the end of grand military operations in Iraq.
The declared goals of the war included the search for Iraqi mass
destruction weapons, which events have shown are non-existent although Iraq
exerted all possible efforts to obtain, at any price, even if only the more
limited of WMDs like dual/twofold/twin chemical [I
assume there is a particular terminology for this] or the dirty, cheap and easy
to produce biological weapons.
Another public goal for the war was the democratization of Iraq, which has
been successfully achieved. Current circumstances allow for all Iraqi political
powers and parties, of different affinities, from fundamentalist-religious to
secular, to work in absolute freedom. Such freedom might not be obtainable in
countries where democracy has been established for decades. In post-Saddam Iraq every
ambitious person can establish a party or a TV station –local or satellite —or
issue a newspaper. Until now, no law organizes the work of these parties or
prevents their aggression against others.
Among the most outstanding successes in this domain are the January 2005
democratic elections, the drafting of a permanent Iraqi constitution, the
subsequent referendum, and the forthcoming elections due December 15th, 2005
designed to establish a permanent Iraqi government. This success—were it to
continue—will potentially transform Iraq to a radiant center
influencing/impacting, sooner or later, all the countries in the region to
various degrees. Some of its good signs are already evident in the political
activity which will become an ice-ball growing with time and with the stability
of the Iraqi experience.
It is well known that targeting the Iraqi regime was part of the United States policy after the September 11th,
2001 crime, when the US
administration included it in what it considered the axis of evil. While the US administration overthrew the Taliban and
Saddam’s regime/establishment/government/systems, terrorist hubs from all
tracks gathered in Iraq.
Those powers fearing or opposing the American administration started supporting
US-opposition forces in Iraq thus transforming Iraq into a battleground/combat
zone for a global conflict whose results are also global, resembling, to a
great extent, the results of the first and second world wars. The defeated on
Iraqi ground will be defeated globally, and the conquering/triumphant will
collect the fruit of victory internationally at least for the first half of the
twenty-first century.
The war against terrorism in Iraq does not have partial/moderate
results or the option of retreat; it is a one-way ticket war that ends in
either victory or defeat. Therefore, those who were opposed to the war
decision, while we still respect their viewpoint, we disagree with them calling
now for a rapid and early withdrawal of the alliance forces from Iraq.
It is imperative to reiterate that we hope and work for the American
withdrawal from Iraq
and the end of occupation. Not only because these are the wishes and demands of
the Iraqi people demands, but also as it will add credibility to the declared
American policy to wok for the spread of democracy and not the occupation of
countries. The withdrawal, however, needs to occur within a clear exist
strategy and accurate timing so that it does not send the wrong message to the
terrorist forces and those supporting them, exactly as president Bush announced
in his speech [DATE OF SPEECH?].
Before demanding immediate/rapid withdrawal we need to recognize Iraqi
needs ensuing from the war and the consequent decrees enacted by the American
civilian commissioner [Paul Bremer, top US
representative in Iraq
and head of the Coalition Provisional Authority]. As a result, Iraq has lost
all necessary elements/components/building blocks to confront even the weakest
nearby countries after the dismantling of its army, security apparatus and
border police. Terrorist forces have entered Iraq and organized themselves; they
are embraced in areas most affected from the fall of Saddam’s regime and the
American commissioner’s modus operandi/course of action. In the meanwhile, the
policy of ethnic, sectarian and political quota employed by the American civil
commissioner contributed to the weakening of the Iraqi society’s fabric and
divided it into regions/areas controlled by forces and parties whose narrow
ethnic or sectarian goals do not put forward comprehensive national programs.
These parties are the ones which possess the money, the weaponry and the
militias and receive generous and solid external support.
Therefore, it is a mistake to even think, let alone demand, immediate
withdrawal. Further, US withdrawal from Iraq should become an ‘election card’
for internal US party purposes because it [withdrawal] requires a realistic and
accurate vision capable of predicting the consequences of sending a wrong
message by beliving in and demanding immediate
withdrawal.
Supporters of immediate withdrawal should rather focus on principal
issues. First, the reformation and proper training of both
the Iraqi army and police forces with proper armaments and latitude to assume
authority/responsibility. Second, the opening of wide
investment opportunities in Iraq
in order to achieve development and terminate widespread unemployment which has
reached over 40%. Unemployment is a key source of problems and it is the
ground from which terrorism garners some of its components and from where some
parties harvest the components to form its militias. The third step is the
urgency to build civic society organizations/institutions and to successfully
monitor the performance of parties and forces which have employed deceipt, terrorist tactics, assassinations, and have
confiscated the freedom of others in a modern society committed to democratic
practice.
The United States,
government and people, have ethical commitments which they have to fulfill
towards the Iraqi people. Was the US
to relinquish this commitment and abandon Iraq
to face its destiny after terrorism has mushroomed and after its neighbors are
thirst for its land and richness, it [the US] will loose any and all credibility. As such, the US
will have repeated the same mistake it made during its confrontation with the
Russian occupation to Afghanistan
when it established, in cooperation with Saudi
Arabia and Pakistan, a farm for the production
of fundamentalist self-righteous groups. That farm which produced terrorism has
become a four-headed-beast which now threatens international/global security
and peace.
It would be a mistake to base the Iraqi issue only on military facts on
the ground, with calculations of human and material losses. The issue is larger
than that/goes beyond that reaching dangerous political deliberations which will
cost the US a far-reaching price whose bill/invoice is not limited to Iraq but
expands to the Middle East, at best. Are those demanding immediate
withdrawal—leaving Iraq
alone to heal its wounds—conscious of and ready/willing to pay these bills or
face the results of a war whose nature, results and implications are global?
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